Tiga Sama: Sebuah Refleksi Etnografis

Tiga Sama: Sebuah Refleksi Etnografis

APA tugas dan peranan kaum pekerja “non-tradisional” – aktivis, organizer, intelektual, peneliti, dan bermacam rupa kelas menengah yang bersolidaritas – dalam kehidupan dan upaya-upaya kolektif rakyat pekerja? Bisa dikatakan ini merupakan salah satu pertanyaan utama bagi gerakan progresif di seluruh dunia. Pertanyaan ini penting karena jawaban atasnya memiliki implikasi penting bagi dinamika internal dan trajektori dari gerakan progresif – terutama dalam hal hubungan antara rakyat pekerja, unsur-unsur pimpinan dalam gerakan, dan sekutunya – yang seringkali berlatar belakang bukan dari proletariat tradisional?

Ini adalah pertanyaan yang menghantui banyak middle-class allies dalam gerakan progresif, termasuk saya. Dalam tataran yang lebih praktis, pertanyaan tersebut dapat diparafrasekan seperti ini: bagaimana kaum pekerja non-tradisional dapat terlibat, bergumul, dan akhirnya mengerti realita sosialnya rakyat pekerja?

Pelan-pelan saya mencoba menjawab pertanyaan tersebut di sela-sela penelitian disertasi saya. Dari amatan dan keterlibatan saya dalam kehidupan rakyat desa selama berbulan-bulan di Banten dan Sulawesi Selatan, saya mencoba untuk memahami dinamika dan tantangan yang dihadapi oleh rakyat desa sehari-hari dan memikirkan ulang mengenai hubungan saya sebagai, katakanlah, peneliti kelas menengah yang simpatik dengan mereka. Saya menganggap, apa saya lakukan merupakan fardu kifayah – kewajiban bagi sebagian orang, terutama bagi yang berpengetahuan dan sadar atas pentingnya tugas tersebut.

Untungnya, saya tidak sendirian. Dalam antropologi, tradisi penelitian etnografis yang mengandalkan teknik pengamatan partisipatif (participant observation), yang mengharuskan seorang peneliti untuk tinggal di suatu komunitas dan going native merupakan fondasi dalam bidang keilmuan tersebut. Di gerakan Kiri, ada sejumlah teladan yang coba mengamalkan prinsip ini. Pertama tentu saja ada Frederick Engels, yang melakukan sebuah amatan antropologis dalam salah satu karya klasiknya, The Condition of the Working Class in England.Saya bayangkan Engels muda, yang pada waktu itu masih berusia 24 tahun dan bekerja di salah satu cabang perusahaan kapas milik ayahnya di Manchester, dengan ditemani Mary Burns berjalan-jalan di kampung-kampung kota yang kumuh di mana kaum buruh tinggal,mengobrol dan mencoba menjalin hubungan yang akrab dengan para buruh dan aktivis revolusioner di masanya. Saya bayangkan ada pertemuan antara letupan semangat masa muda, pemahaman yang mulai terbentuk mengenai sebuah dunia yang lebih baik, dan kemampuan untuk menerapkan prinsip dan metode ilmiah dalam melakukan suatu investigasi.

Dalam gerakan Kiri, prinsip ini kemudian dicoba diterapkan sebagai upaya untuk membangun tradisi ilmiah dan mempercepat pembangunan organisasi. Di Indonesia, PKI dan BTI mencoba melakukan riset-riset etnografis revolusioner untuk menjawab persoalan-persoalan agraria berdasarkan prinsip “tiga sama, empat jangan, empat harus” – sama kerja, sama makan, dan sama tidur; jangan tinggal di rumah elit desa, menggurui, merugikan, dan mencatat di hadapan kaum tani; dan harus sopan, siap membantu, menghormati adat istiadat setempat, dan belajar dari kaum tani. Ini dilakukan sebelum reflexive ethnography, participatory action research, dan segala jargon serta metode penelitian-penelitian yang menonjolkan aspek keterlibatan peneliti menjadi nge-tren – dan terkadang dipelintir untuk melancarkan pelaksanaan agenda-agenda developmentalis di pedesaan. Di Vietnam, prinsip ini juga dikenal dengan nama “tiga bersama” (three togethers), yang menjadi strategi inti dalam pembangunan partai, mobilisasi massa, dan kampanye reformasi pertanahan di sana.

Bagi para ‘sekutu kelas menengah’ rakyat pekerja, ini berarti kemauan untuk melakukan proses amatan-penelitian-keterlibatan yang menyeluruh dan terintegrasi dengan kehidupan sosial rakyat pekerja dan keharusan untuk memiliki kemampuan mencatat yang tekun dan rapih, yang prosesnya haruslah transparan dan sebisa mungkin melibatkan guru kita – rakyat pekerja – dalam pelaksanannya. Ini bisa dimulai dengan melakukan self-criticism yang cukup keras terhadap diri kita.

Saya misalnya, musti mengakui dengan jujur bahwa ada sejumlah bias dan keterbatasan saya sebagai seorang warga kelas menengah kota laki-laki dan heteroseksual yang beragama dan berlatarbelakang etnis mayoritas. Saya tidak bisa mencangkul dan melakukan kerja-kerja produksi di bidang pertanian misalnya. Atau memahami sejumlah kebingungan dan permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh ibu-ibu desa ketika mendadak anaknya demam setelah diberikan vaksinasi, mengurus administrasi dan biaya pengobatan di rumah sakit, atau menjelang kelahiran. Namun ini bukan berarti menjadi alasan bagi saya untuk kemudian tidak mencoba membangun hubungan profesional yang intens dan pertemanan yang tulus dengan rakyat desa.

Konsekuensinya, berarti adalah kewajiban bagi saya untuk sebisa mungkin terlibat, melakukan amatan yang dekat, dan menuliskan pengalaman dan narasi dari para warga desa. Konkretnya, ini berarti kemauan untuk menyapa dan berbincang-bincang dengan para tetangga, membantu tetangga memperbaiki pagarnya yang rusak, mencoba berkebun, menghadiri kawinan, pengajian, tahlilan, dan segala rupa hajatan, bertamu dan berbincang-bincang dengan penghulu, guru ngaji, petani, tukang jahit, dan sopir, nongkrong dengan pak RT dan pak RW dan memperhatikan apa saja persoalan-persoalan di lingkungan sekitar yang mendesak, mendengarkan cerita dan keluhan dari kawan-kawan buruh muda mengenai kondisi kerja di pabrik, dan lain sebagainya. Juga kemauan untuk memahami sense of humoryang luar biasa dari para warga desa dalam menertawakan himpitan hidup yang dialami mereka setiap harinya dan sinisme terhadap mereka yang berkuasa (termasuk misalnya gosip dan kritik-kritik halus ibu-ibu desa terhadap suami-suami mereka). Dan tentu saja, di daerah-daerah di mana konflik agraria terjadi, kemauan untuk mendengarkan dan mencatat cerita tentang perampasan, perlawanan, dan strategi-strategi yang dilakukan oleh rakyat desa menghadapi penindasan, mulai dari menceramahi polisi, demonstrasi, hingga upaya-upaya pendudukan lahan.

Sebisa mungkin, proses ini haruslah transparan, partisipatif, dan dialektis. Ini berarti seorangmiddle-class ally – katakanlah dalam hal ini seorang intelektual radikal – harus terbuka dan jujur dengan niat-niat dan tujuan-tujuan dari upaya penelitian yang dilakukannya. Ia juga harus memikirkan bagaimana baik di ranah teoretik maupun yang lebih berorientasi praxis hasil penelitiannya dapat berguna bagi pembangunan gerakan rakyat. Sebisa mungkin, seorang intelektual radikal harus mengkomunikasikan dan membagi hasil amatan dan analisanya kepada para narasumbernya – misalnya para aktivis lain dan rakyat pekerja yang berkomunikasi dengannya. Bahkan, jikalau diperlukan, seorang intelektual radikal bisa meminta bantuan narasumbernya untuk turut serta dalam proses penelitannya melalui hal-hal yang simpel seperti meminta narasumber untuk menuliskan pengalaman hidupnya secara singkat, mengecek catatan penelitian mengenai suatu kegiatan, atau meminta warga untuk mengambil foto dan video dan kemudian menceritakan mengapa dia mengambil satu momen atau peristiwa tertentu.

Dalam konteks interaksi yang lebih akrab, tidak tertutup kemungkinan seorang intelektual radikal mengajak narasumber utamanya untuk bersama-sama menuliskan sejarah kehidupan narasumber tersebut.

Perlu diingat bahwa dalam keseluruhan proses ini bukan berarti kita lantas terjebak dalam suatu bentuk perspektivisme dan solipsisme ekstrim dan mengabaikan abstraksi untuk memahami kondisi keseluruhan, totalitas dari sepotong realitas sosial yang coba kita amati. Seorang intelektual radikal tidak boleh terjebak pada fetisisme ‘keterlibatan’ maupun bayangan empirisisme. Seorang intelektual radikal tidak boleh lupa mencatat dan tidak mencoba melakukan abstraksi dari realitas-realitas empiris yang berada di hadapannya. Adalah tugas utama dari seorang intelektual radikal untuk melakukan investigasi dan abstraksi yang sistematis, jujur, dan ilmiah dari realita yang coba dipahaminya. Karenanya, komunikasi yang terbuka dengan rekan penggerak dan rakyat pekerja yang menjadi narasumber, untuk mencoba bersama-sama melakukan abstraksi dari berbagai macam dinamika dan proses yang dialami oleh para narasumber selama ini, menjadi sangat penting.

Dari sinilah, kemudian kita semua bisa belajar untuk bersolidaritas satu sama lain. Hampir absennya suara-suara yang berlandaskan pada akal sehat dan solidaritas terhadap apa yang terjadi kepada kawan-kawan Papua misalnya, sedikit banyak disebabkan oleh kurangnya pemahaman dan pengetahuan mengenai apa yang sesungguhnya terjadi di sana – mengenai ekspropriasi sumber daya alam dan represi yang dimungkinkan oleh kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia yang semakin kolonialis dan apartheid. Tugas intelektual radikal dewasa ini adalah membangun basis pengetahuan yang valid untuk bersolidaritas. Karena hanya dengan itulah suatu visi politik emansipatoris – bahwa terlepas dari warna kulit, latar belakang etnisitas atawa kebangsaan, dan segala bentuk identifikasi sektarian dan primordialis lainnya – kita semua merupakan korban dari penindasan kelas.

Kuncinya satu: belajar, dan percaya kepada massa.

Percaya kepada massa.*** 

Penulis adalah kandidat doktor ilmu politik di Northern Illinois University, AS. Beredar di twitlan dengan id @libloc

Talk on Publishing and Research Funding at PPIM UIN

This week I’ll be giving a talk on publishing and research funding at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) in South Jakarta on Thursday, July 21. The talk will be on publishing book reviews and review articles – a rather unheard genre in Indonesia – and funding for fieldwork/doctoral research for your researchers and lecturers at the Center. A good friend of mine who is also a researcher at the Center kindly invited me to share my experience. This is a part of their regular brownbag series on research and publication.

It’s such an honor to be invited by an esteemed institution like PPIM/UIN. I’m excited and looking forward to having discussion with colleagues at PPIM!

Is Turkey’s Coup an Auto-Golpe?

We don’t have all the details yet, but several things are certainly suspicious, or at least worth-asking – things such as why the purge of suspected military officers and judges happened so swiftly, why the military didn’t manage to get their message across effectively, and all that.

Several sources to look at: here, here, and here.

Auto-golpe is a reference to Fujimori’s self-coup as a pretext to disband the parliament and amass excessive presidential power during the 1992 Peruvian constitutional crisis.

Turkey’s Attempted Coup

There was a coup attempt in Turkey just recently. The military declared that they took over power from the incumbent government. Erdogan, after a while, then showed up and declared the legitimacy of his government and condemned the coup. Opposition parties backed his administration. As expected, the military did not stay still. They blockaded the streets with tanks and soldiers. In response, government supporters came down to the streets. Inevitably, violence ensued – people died from shooting and officers got arrested. At the moment, we don’t have a clear sense of who is really in charge of the chaos.

Meanwhile, the fighting continues.

Turkey’s coup poses an important question for political scientists: how do we explain the occurrence of coup in an electoral democracy (though increasingly authoritarian) with a pretty high level of per capita income? If we are to trust the World Bank data Turkey’s GDP per capita in 2014 was US$ 10,515.01. This is far above the US$ 6,000 threshold for regime durability established by Przeworski and Limongi (1997).  In Southeast Asia, Thailand, whose income per capita is something around US$ 4,000, also “joined rather select company” of few countries with records of democratic breakdown or interruption at a pretty high income level (albeit less than the 6,000 threshold). These two recent cases are few examples of regime interruption or retooling in democratic countries.

This is an important question that we all should address. For now, let’s say this out loud: we condemn the attempted military coup in Turkey!

 

 

Let’s Get Your Field Notes Published

In the rat-race of academic publishing, one has to think and publish not only extensively but also strategically. This means before getting our journal article or book manuscript ready, we also have to get our ready-to-be-published materials arranged – which is always a challenge for many of us, mortals (for seasoned and outstanding experts this shouldn’t be a problem I guess).

One strategic way to have those materials ready is to get them published. This might sound unusual and a bit of risky. First, why should we publish them at all? Second, doesn’t this risk revealing too much about our ongoing research?

My answer to those concerns is why not? And rather than a burden, publishing field notes can help researchers, academics, intellectuals, journalists, and concerned citizens to get their ideas disseminated more widely. This will not only help them to get their voices heard and suggestions for their future inquiries but also “market” themselves as committed researchers and experts on their topics of interests.

The last point certainly helps for young scholars – like myself and many others.

There are many opportunities these days to get our “half-baked” materials published – be it field notes, photo essays, thoughts and reflections on recent debates and events, and many others. But one of the best venues to publish those materials, I think, is journals and academic blogs.

Of course, there are different outlets for different disciplines, but for Political Science and Southeast Asian Studies I can think of several leading outlets: PS-Political Science and Politics, Inside Indonesia, New Mandalaand Indonesia at Melbourneamong others. The first one is run by American political scientists whereas the other three are run mainly by the Australian folks. These are to-go outlets which provide space not only for academics but also other scholarly-inclined folks to publish “half-baked” materials and “hidden dimensions” of intellectual enterprise: field notes, photo essays, ideas and tentative conclusions of ongoing research, research and teaching experience, and the like. Getting them published, I think, helps us to move forward with our research. In some cases publishing those “side products” can even lead to, or speed up, publications.

So far I’ve got several field notes published in Indonesia at Melbourne (here) and New Mandala (here and here). I have another one forthcoming in ExplorationsAll of them are from my ongoing fieldwork. I hope to publish a couple more before completing my field research.

Another Case for Academic Blogging

After a while, I’ve come to the conclusion that academic blogging is worth-doing. I won’t rehearse the arguments here, as they have been explained thoroughly elsewhere (in here, here, and here for instance). Probably I’ll just sum up some good enough reasons for academics to blog: 1) testing one’s arguments and ideas 2) finding one’s “voice” and writing style 3) sharing one’s ideas to the general public in a more accessible fashion 4) boosting one’s confidence in research and writing, among others. Academic blogging is also useful as 5) a place to summarize one’s ideas and 6) a platform for future collaboration. Obviously the usual disclaimer applies: academic blogging should promote, and not hinder, the effort to produce scholarly writings.

Notice the prefix “academic” here, which means that academic blogging is to a good extent is a form of academic writing. Academic blog is not a personal blog. This does not mean that academic blog can’t be personal; in some contexts academic blog can be peppered with personal contexts, views, and experience, but it should be put in the context of professional academic writing.

I myself have been experimenting with various forms of blogs in the last couple of years. I found out that apparently I suck at personal blogging, but do a pretty good job at maintaining a professional blog (which serves as a virtual archive for my writings). This time I decided to “step up” and join the rank of academic bloggers out there (among Southeast Asianists some leading scholars have maintained this healthy habit, such as Adrian Vickers, Max Lane, Kevin Fogg, and Tom Pepinsky – several prominent economists such as Yanis Varoufakis and Greg Mankiw have their own blogs too).

So here it is, my latest experimentation with the newest trend in academia. More to come in the coming weeks.

Lecture Series in Makassar

From late May to early June I gave a series of guest lectures at several universities in Makassar – Hasanuddin University (Unhas), Muhammadiyah University of Makassar (Unismuh), and Bosowa University (Unibos) – on social science methodologies, trends in research on Indonesian Islam, and state-society relations in Southeast Asia respectively. I wrote a bit about the lecture at Unismuh here. The other two events were great too – at Unhas, I had a lot of fun discussing about social science methodologies and philosophy of science with academic colleagues (graduate students and lecturers, whereas at Unibos I managed to spark a pretty lively discussion on capitalist transformation and state-society relations in Southeast Asia with international relations students. Again, many thanks for colleagues and friends in Makassar for these opportunities!

Some promotional posters of the lectures can be found below:

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At Unhas (Photo credit: Muhammad Harisah)

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At Unibos (Photo credit: Unibos IR Department)

Coverage on Local Press of Recent Lecture Series in Makassar

Several local news portals in Makassar – GoSulsel, Makassar Terkini, and the famous Tribun Timur – recently covered a lecture on recent trends in studies of political Islam in Indonesia that I gave at the Government Department at Muhammadiyah University of Makassar. Much of the point that I made has been made here so I won’t rehearse it here. Unfortunately the coverage did not really elaborate the crux of my argument in layperson’s language, but nonetheless it is better than nothing. The articles can be found in here, here, and here.

This is a good tradition and I hope we can continue doing this in Indonesian academia. Special thanks to friends and colleagues in Makassar who kindly invited me to give a lecture.

Red scares and Indonesian politics

http://www.newmandala.org/red-scares-indonesian-politics/

FATHIMAH FILDZAH IZZATI & IQRA ANUGRAH – 23 JUN, 2016

Virulent anti-communism has made a glorious comeback in the last couple of months.

What happens when the anti-leftist discourse of the authoritarian yesteryear is embraced through and through by conservative elites and social forces? A red scare. In Indonesia, virulent anti-communism a la the New Order has made a glorious comeback in the last couple of months, showing the nation’s inability to deal with its tumultuous past despite democratic reforms.

To be completely fair, in recent years there has been more open discussion about the 1965 massacre. Artistic and civil society initiatives such as Joshua Oppenheimer’s award-winning films The Act of Killing and The Look of Silence, the International People’s Tribunal of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity (IPT 65), as well as the launching of a graphic history primer entitled “The History of Indonesian Leftist Movements for Beginners” have reframed the debate about the massacre. But we have begun to see backlashes.

First, in February, there was a protest against the Belok Kiri (Turn Left) Festival by a group of mass organisations which demanded the cancellation of the festival of leftist thinking. Then there wasanother raid against the screening of a documentary on Indonesia’s gulag for leftist political prisoners called Pulau Buru Tanah Air Beta (Buru Island: My Homeland) in March. To make matters worse, the notoriously conservative Minister of Defence, Ryamizard Ryacudu recently called for the confiscation of leftist books.

Even land grabbing by state, military, and corporate authorities has been justified under the grounds that the citizens who own the lands are “communists.” For instance, last year, in Cilacap, at least 8,000 hectares of land were taken away from local communities using that excuse.

In short, anti-communism has been effectively used as a pretext to stifle dissent and normalise dispossession.

Indonesia’s anti-communism did not emerge out of a historical vacuum. Anti-communist propaganda has been common since the 1965 mass killings of Communist Party members and alleged sympathisers.  Such propaganda has been used to legitimise and justify New Order authoritarianism. What is remarkable is that this rhetoric has regained popularity during the presidency of Joko ‘Jokowi; Widodo, the so-called civil society president.

Activists and observers have speculated that the reemergence of anti-communist rhetoric is indicative of the split between military reformers and hardliners in response to attempts to open up dialogue regarding the 1965 massacre and the military’s role in it. Jokowi himself seems to adopt a “wait-and-see” and “free-market” approach to the issue, waiting for whatever stance that will emerge from the generals’ quarrels. But whatever the truth is, we know that the return of New Order-style anti-communism has a huge impact on society.

Obviously this does not mean that there is a total absence of government initiative to deal with issues surrounding the 1965 massacre. In April the Indonesian government sponsored the National Symposium on the 1965 Tragedy with mixed results. While this step can be seen as a breakthrough from the state’s regular approach to the issue, there is no clear achievement from the symposium. What we know is since then the anti-communist campaign has got even louder.

The hysteria reached its peak in the “Securing Pancasila from the Threats of PKI and Other Ideologies” Symposium taking place in Jakarta and organised by a group of conservative retired generals and hardline Islamists on 1 June in commemoration of Pancasila Day. As expected, the symposium parroted New Order anti-communist propaganda and rejected any possibility of truth-seeking and reconciliation surrounding the 1965 massacre. Essentially, it merely served as a propaganda machine of reactionary elites and their supporters. Some of the symposium’s attendees even threatened a journalist who covered the event and labeled her as “pro-Communist.”

And we have not even counted individual remarks made by staunch anti-communist generals such as Kivlan Zein and Kiki Syahnakri who see rural welfare and human rights as proxies of a communist campaigns instead of basic citizenship demands. While activists may laugh at and dismiss the generals’ rhetoric as absurd, irrational propaganda, the fact is they continue to influence public imagination on “communist threats” in Indonesia.

At this stage, it is safe to say that the latest recent red scare in Indonesia represents an all-time high since the end of the New Order regime. What is worrying is that it has manifested in the most vulgar form – through acts including book banning, perverse historiography, and outright intimidation. Without a proper response from Indonesian social movements to counter these threats against civil, political, and socioeconomic rights, the chances are that authoritarian and illiberal practices under the guise of anti-communism will continue.

Given the current make-up of  elite power and interests surrounding Jokowi’s administration, it is most likely that the Indonesian state will turn a blind eye to such practices. This is a clear setback for democracy and attempts to promote impartial historiography, justice, reconciliation, and truth-seeking regarding the 1965 massacre in Indonesia.

Karl Marx once said “history repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.” What has been going on in Indonesia seems to be the other way around: farcical moments of red scare have turned into a tragedy for Indonesian democracy.

Fathimah Fildzah Izzati is a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). Iqra Anugrah is a PhD candidate in Political Science and Southeast Asian Studies at Northern Illinois University. Both of them are editors for IndoPROGRESS, an online journal connecting progressive scholars and activists in Indonesia.