Category Archives: Politics

The Discourse of Asian Values and its Future

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The Discourse of Asian Values and its Future

In this postmodern world, Western notions of civilized society and its universality seem to be challenged by the rest of the world. Fukuyama’s “End of History” seems to be proven obsolete, and on the other hand, the rise of the rest (including alternate forms of political governance) are emerging on the global stage. In this regard, Asia exhibits itself as one of the best representatives of “the other”, challenging Western domination through its increasingly assertive foreign policy and economic power in the world. Some scholars, such as Mahbubani (2008), though may not necessarily adhere to the belief of Asian triumphalism, obviously offer a brand new outlook for forecasting the next stage of global constellation with the Asia-Pacific as its major player.

At the heart of this viewpoint, there is a rough Asian political philosophy taking shape favouring the mixture of free economics and a strong, if not authoritarian, government. It follows a communitarian way of thinking sometimes associated with Confucian philosophy, and its defenders praise it as the engine behind the rapid growth of Asian capitalism, a successful alternative to Anglo-Saxon or Western European capitalism.

To begin with, we often pose this understanding based on the achievement of the so-called “Asian miracles” or “Asian tigers”, referring to the tremendous development of Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea, which was achieved in a time of political authoritarianism. China’s increasing political and economic power also cited as another example of the Asian way at its best.

However, this depiction is misleading, because it doesn’t take into account other countries in the region such as Myanmar, which suffers from a poor record of development and massive human right abuses, thanks to the economically inefficient and politically incompetent military junta, backed by geopolitical competition in the region.

Thus, the Asian model of bureaucratic authoritarian state combined with market economics does not always work in the same way, depending upon regional political and economic conditions.

Furthermore, Asia’s remarkable economic achievement can also be attributed to increased freedom in social and political aspects. This point is raised by Yasheng Huang, an expert on international political economy from MIT. There exists far more individual freedoms now in terms of social, civil and political rights compared to previous decades, even in places like China. This is Milton turned upside down: more political freedom is good for economic advancement.

Nevertheless, the economic benefits of socio-political freedoms tend to be ignored by the champions of Asian values. Instead, they try to repeatedly propagate their notion despite the fact that the role of state is diminishing in many ways, including in administering political affairs.

Although there are no major reforms or changes both in the context of multilateral relations and domestic politics in Asian countries, the seeds of liberal transformation are visible and embedded in the regional political architecture and national policies of each respective country.

At the regional level, the establishment of the ASEAN Human Rights Commission is a case where ASEAN countries were able to rethink about existing norms and regulations as well as willingness to compromise sovereignty for the sake of human rights.

Intense activities of ‘track-two diplomacy’ through the formation of epistemic communities also contributed to the changing face of the regional order, where ASEAN and other regional entities move from an elitist image towards a people-centered approach. This transformation means more participation and deliberative processes at grassroots levels, which will affect the nature of regional interactions and policymaking in the Asia-Pacific.

At the national level, the continuing wave of democratization in Indonesia is another sign of how economic improvement can go hand-in-hand with political reformation. Indeed, the rhetoric of “democracy” and “reform” has been used even by countries like Singapore and Vietnam to criticize the military junta of Myanmar.

Surely the big question of how to balance between economic development and political freedom remains unanswered. However, respective Asian societies will not have to choose between these two things. Rather, they will learn they can have both, and this kind of awareness is slowly redefining the discourse of Asian values.

Posted on September 9, 2010

Iqra Anugrah is a third year student in College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, majoring in political science and international relations. He is a member of the Advisory Board for Strategic Studies Committee for Indonesian Students’ Association in Japan (PPI Jepang). The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily represent the views of the PPI Jepang.

http://global-politics.co.uk/blog/2010/09/09/discourse-asian-values-and-its-future/

Radicalization from Below: The Case of Religious Bylaws

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Memories of numerous bombing attacks in big cities and churches as well as the dramatic terrorist captures by the police may give an image of contemporary battles against Islamic radicalism in newly-democratized Indonesia. But think about this: rather than blowing-up buildings, some Islamist groups attempt to push the agenda of Sharia implementation through non-violent, formal and even electoral political processes.

In the euphoria of Post-Suharto reform, the blooming of religious bylaws has spread throughout the archipelago. Immature decentralization, completed with economic gap between central and local governments, has provided rooms for radical agenda to mushroom. One manifestation of this agenda is to implement strict interpretation of Islamic norms and values into local ordinances. Some examples of these bylaws are, but not limited to, Islamic dress code for students and government officials at schools and offices on certain days, raids on women alleged for prostitution and other moral misconducts at night and ban on alcohols, clubs and other entertainment activities.

In some places such as Bulukumba in Sulawesi and Bogor in West Java, some Islamic fundamentalist groups such as the Preparatory Committee for the Implementation of Islamic Sharia (KPPSI) and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) even go further, publicly claim and preach the importance of Sharia as a panacea for all societal problems and gain support from some elements, both from local communities as well as from the government, proven by the attendance of some government officials in their forums.

There have been many reports, news, and research in regards to this phenomenon. However, one question remains unanswered: Where do political parties fit within this discourse? The role of political parties in local parliaments is still an unfilled gap in the context of the so-called Shariatization from below. Some experts, such as Assyaukanie (2007), pointed out some indications that these bylaws are supported not only by Islamic political parties but also by their Secular Nationalist counterparts as well.

Another interesting feature of the relationship between political parties and religious bylaws is the difference of stances between central or national leadership of parties and its local and regional branches. While at the national level both primary leaders of Islamic and Secular parties have expressed their objections and doubts over religious bylaws, the local dynamics are apparently much more fluid and unpredictable.

Civil society groups, NGOs, and other keen observers of politics and Islam in Indonesia criticize political parties’ support for religious bylaws as a mere political tool to obtain votes. From their perspective, the move to support religious bylaws is driven by short-sighted pragmatism and populist reaction towards the “failure” of secular administration, reflected in rising poverty, declining morality, and many other problems.

Eventually the time will come for Indonesia to face her own dilemma of democracy: how she should response to the emergence of illiberal forces in proudly-proclaimed land of pluralism and tolerance. Terrorism and hardline religious extremism may be easier to handle, but the curious case of bottom-up radicalization in the form of demand for religious bylaws definitely needs to be solved differently.

Posted on July 22, 2010

Iqra Anugrah is a third year student in College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, majoring in political science and international relations. He is a member of the Advisory Board for Strategic Studies Committee for Indonesian Students’ Association in Japan (PPI Jepang). The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily represent the views of the PPI Jepang.

http://www.global-politics.co.uk/blog/2010/07/22/radicalization-below/

Republik, Kebebasan, dan Kemerdekaan

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Republik, Kebebasan dan Kemerdekaan

Oleh Iqra Anugrah*

Beberapa hari lagi menjelang ibadah di bulan suci Ramadhan sekaligus peringatan kemerdekaan Indonesia, bangsa kita kembali diguncang berbagai macam peristiwa yang menyerang sendi-sendi kehidupan berbangsa. Aksi-aksi kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh ormas-ormas berbaju agama seperti Front Pembela Islam (FPI) maupun hiruk-pikuk permainan politik dan modal yang tecermin dalam usulan pencalonan Tommy Suharto sebagai calon presiden pemilu 2014 merupakan suatu bukti nyata bahwa prinsip-prinsip kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara kita sangat rentan dengan penyakit-penyakit fundamentalisme dan radikalisme keagamaan, terorisme dan ancaman keamanan lainnya, serta oligarki dan korupsi politik dan ekonomi.

Dalam kaitannya dengan Hari Ulang Tahun Kemerdekaan RI yang ke-65, mari kita renungkan sejenak realita yang terjadi di hadapan kita dengan visi kemerdekaan yang dicita-citakan oleh the founding fathers. Setelah lebih dari 10 tahun proses reformasi dilakukan, adalah suatu hal yang sangat memalukan bahwasanya kita seringkali menganggap kemerdekaan sebagai sesuatu yang statis dan kosong, taken for granted, bukannya mengisi dan berperan aktif dalam memaknai arti kemerdekaan. Akibatnya, kemerdekaan hanyalah sekedar menjadi slogan, yang dalam sejarah kita seringkali dibajak demi syahwat politik dan ekonomi jangka pendek, baik demi “revolusi”, “pembangunan”, maupun dalam nama “agama”.

Sehingga, ada dua pertanyaan yang perlu dijawab mengenai kemerdekaan dan kemandekan perkembangan masyarakat kita yang tercermin dalam berbagai kejadian-kejadian yang merapuhkan landasan republik: apa arti sebenarnya dari kemerdekaan dan sudahkah kita mencapai cita-cita kemerdekaan?

Kemerdekaan, dalam pandangan penulis, dapat diartikan dalam dua konsep yang mudah dan seringkali disalahartikan dalam diskursus politik kita: kebebasan dan republikanisme, yang mencakup berbagai segi kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara secara komprehensif.

Pertama, kebebasan pada hakikatnya adalah esensi dari perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia untuk terbebas dari tekanan dan dominasi luar kolonialisme, untuk menjadi tuan di negeri sendiri. Kebebasan ini juga bersifat universal dan unik di tiap zaman dan kondisi serta merupakan tema yang utama dari sejarah panjang umat manusia mencari arti hidupnya, seperti dapat kita lihat di zaman keemasan atau The Golden Age peradaban Arab-Islam yang menjamin kebebasan berekspresi dan berpikir sehingga memungkinkan transfer ilmu dan pengetahuan filsafat Yunani ke peradaban Barat yang sedang dalam masa kegelapan, ataupun lahirnya konsep kebebasan kewargaan di Barat yang diperjuangkan oleh kaum pedagang dan intelektual, artes liberales, melawan feodalisme dan struktur sosial-politik dan ekonomi yang mengekang manusia.

Kedua, dalam konteks keIndonesiaan, kebebasan menjadi penting karena Indonesia tidak hanya membutuhkan kebebasan positif (freedom to) namun juga kebebasan negative (freedom for) yang menjamin warga negara untuk mengembangkan potensi dan kemanusiaanya dalam struktur politik yang menjamin hak-hak sipilnya, yang merupakan gagasan utama dari republikanisme, yaitu menjamin hak-hak warga dalam bingkai supremasi hukum atau rule of law, bebas dari tekanan konservatisme dan dominasi dari berbagai bentuk institusi-baik dari negara, modal, maupun agama.

Berangkat dari ide-ide ini, apa yang terjadi sekarang merupakan refleksi bahwa kita belum mencapai cita-cita kemerdekaan. Kemerdekaan membutuhkan kebebasan dalam bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya, yang dijaga dalam kerangka hukum. Kemerdekaan juga mensyaratkan kesadaran bahwa Indonesia adalah rumah bagi semua, tempat di mana keragaman dan perbedaan dalam suku, agama dan kelas sosial ditanggapi dengan toleransi dalam bentuk semangat keterbukaan dan dialog.

Melihat fenomena yang terjadi sekarang ini, pertanyaan selanjutnya yang muncul adalah sanggupkah kita mewujudkan cita-cita kemerdekaan dalam bingkai kebebasan dan republikanisme?

Tiga Kebebasan

Untuk menjawab tantangan kemerdekaan dan memperkuat demokrasi di Indonesia, diperlukan tiga bentuk kebebasan dari berbagai bentuk dominasi yang menjalar di Indonesia.

Yang pertama adalah kebebasan pikiran, kebebasan dari ketertutupan dan fundamentalisme, yang akan mengakibatkan sikap inward-looking dan kejumudan berpikir yang akhirnya akan mempersempit pola pikir menjadi “kita vs mereka” yang tentunya tidak sehat bagi kehidupan dalam republik kita.

Kebebasan yang kedua adalah kebebasan dari dominasi modal dan institutionalisasi nafsu-nafsu materialistik demi kekuasaan politik maupun ekonomi jangka pendek. Pada tataran sosio-kultural, dominasi modal akan membuat manusia mudah tergelincir kepada fundamentalisme demi “jalan singkat” penyelesaian masalah hidup, sedangkan pada tatanan politik dan legal, dominasi modal akan melahirkan kekuasaan yang koruptif yang tidak transparan dan eksploitatif. Keduanya berujung kepada warga negara yang tidak terbebaskan, suatu kondisi yang akan mengurangi kebebasan mereka sebagai manusia dan kontribusi mereka terhadap republik.

Adapun kebebasan yang ketiga adalah kebebasan dari dominas politik dan ketakutan. Tersedianya ruang bagi aktivitias politik yang deliberatif dan demokratis adalah suatu keharusan bagi sebuah entitas politik yang menamakan dirinya sebagai republik. Kebebasan politik dan penegakan hukum adalah wadah dimana warga negara dapat melakukan haknya, bebas dari tekanan dan ketakutan yang menghalangi warga untuk bertindak.

Dalam tataran kebijakan, tiga kebebasan ini dapat dimanifestasikan dalam “resep” yang cukup mudah, yaitu menanamkan dan mengembangkan “keyakinan publik” atau civic religion terhadap demokrasi dan institusi pendukungnya, supremasi hukum, toleransi dan pluralisme. Perananan kaum intelektual juga menjadi penting, sebagai katalisator untuk transfer nilai-nilai kebebasan dan republikanisme terhadap masyarakat serta “penjaga rel” dan pengawas pemerintah. Menghadapi ancaman dalam berbagai bentuk, baik itu fundamentalisme keagamaan maupun oligarki politik-ekonomi, Indonesia akan tetap merdeka dan tidak perlu gamang selama ia berpegang teguh pada prinsip kebebasan dan republikanisme.

*Iqra Anugrah adalah Mahasiswa di College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, Jepang. Ia aktif dalam berbagai gerakan pelajar dan civil society.

http://epaper.korantempo.com/KT/KT/2010/08/14/INDEX.SHTML

http://www.korantempo.com/korantempo/koran/2010/08/14/Opini/krn.20100814.209088.id.html

Demokrasi tanpa Demokrat

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DEMOKRASI TANPA DEMOKRAT
Iqra Anugrah
MAHASISWA DI COLLEGE OF ASIA-PACIFIC STUDIES, RITSUMEIKAN ASIA-PACIFIC UNIVERSITY

Masa depan demokrasi di Indonesia sedang berada dalam fase yang amat genting. Beberapa tahun yang lalu kita kehilangan Cak Nur, dan belum lama ini kita kehilangan Gus Dur. Ketiadaan dua figur yang selalu berkomitmen dan membela demokrasi serta nilai-nilai demokratik itu seakan-akan menambah panjang daftar ujian bagi bangsa ini. Berbagai skandal dan permasalahan politik, mulai kasus Bank Century, masalah internal KPK, pengemplangan pajak oleh aktor-aktor bisnis, hingga pembakaran rumah ibadah, seakan-akan menyiratkan masa depan yang suram bagi demokrasi di Indonesia. Hal ini menyiratkan pertanyaan yang besar bagi kita semua: adakah masa depan demokrasi di Indonesia? Apa yang terjadi ketika sistem demokratik yang kita terapkan sekarang ternyata belum mampu membawa kesejahteraan dan keadilan?

Fenomena ini merupakan bagian dari menjamurnya demokrasi illiberal. Mengutip Fareed Zakaria, demokrasi illiberal merupakan demokrasi tanpa nilai. Demokrasi seakan-akan hanya dipahami sebagai prosedur elektoral saja. Akibatnya, demokrasi hanya diartikan sebagai cara untuk memperoleh legitimasi melalui proses pemilu. Padahal, demokrasi tidak sama dengan pemilu.

Dalam suatu sistem politik yang demokratik, ada satu persyaratan lagi yang menjadi keniscayaan, yaitu semangat konstitusionalisme atau republikanisme. Dalam konteks suatu republik konstitusional, nilai-nilai yang menjadi landasan utama adalah kebebasan dan keadilan. Prinsip-prinsip ini kemudian diterjemahkan ke dalam berbagai konsepsi legal-politik seperti supremasi hukum, pengakuan terhadap hak asasi manusia, penghormatan terhadap kepemilikan pribadi, dan perlindungan minoritas. Demokrasi dan kebebasan konstitusional, menurut Zakaria, adalah dua sisi dari mata uang yang sama. Menerapkan demokrasi hanya dalam taraf pemilihan umum saja adalah reduksi dari arti demokrasi itu sendiri.

Gejala demokrasi tanpa nilai itulah yang sepertinya sedang menjalar di Indonesia. Berbagai permasalahan politik yang kita hadapi sesungguhnya adalah tantangan dan ujian bagi demokrasi itu sendiri. Dalam demokrasi yang kurang nilai, kebebasan dan keadilan publik senantiasa terancam, dan proses politik menjadi tidak berbeda jauh dari sandiwara atau komedi. Karena itu, tidak aneh apabila sekarang masyarakat dihadapkan pada berbagai fenomena sosial-politik yang unik, dari merebaknya fundamentalisme keagamaan hingga ulah para politikus di gedung parlemen yang mirip dagelan, yang ironis karena justru terjadi di era demokrasi. Politik telah kehilangan maknanya, dari usaha kolektif individual tiap-tiap warga negara untuk mencapai tujuan yang lebih baik menjadi hajatan elektoral tahunan yang tanpa nilai dan sopan santun atau fatsun.

Bagi sebuah bangsa dengan umur demokrasi yang masih “seumur jagung” seperti Indonesia, kejadian ini bisa membawa sebuah krisis demokrasi. Rakyat yang senantiasa dihadapkan pada, dan “diikutsertakan” dalam, drama politik yang tanpa ujung, terutama melalui media, dapat menjadi apatis dan enggan untuk berpartisipasi dalam politik. Tentu saja apatisme ini tidaklah sehat bagi demokrasi, yang memerlukan partisipasi aktif dari warga negaranya.

Menyelamatkan demokrasi
Menemukan jejak demokrasi dalam tradisi politik Indonesia bukanlah suatu hal yang jarang. Adalah Bung Hatta, salah satu dari dwitunggal proklamator kemerdekaan, yang menyadari bahwa demokrasi bukanlah suatu proses pemilihan dan pergantian semata, tapi juga memiliki esensi yang bahkan lebih dalam. Tugas bagi bangsa ini sekarang adalah mengedepankan nilai dan budaya yang menjadi prasyarat bagi tumbuh-kembangnya demokrasi di Indonesia. Kita memerlukan apresiasi terhadap nilai-nilai kebebasan, keadilan, dan keterbukaan.

Karena itu, dalam level masyarakat, demokrasi tidak cukup jika diartikan hanya sebagai suara mayoritas (majority rule), namun juga perlindungan terhadap minoritas dan lebih penting lagi individual dan perbedaan. Kisah perusakan gereja di beberapa daerah di Indonesia akhir-akhir ini haruslah mendapat perhatian yang pantas dari setiap elemen masyarakat dan pemerintah.

Bagi politikus dan pembuat kebijakan, nilai demokratik sepatutnya juga diterjemahkan dalam perilaku sehari-hari, baik di luar maupun di dalam parlemen. Sikap pemerintah akhir-akhir ini, baik lembaga eksekutif dan kepresidenan maupun parlemen, sayangnya tidak mencerminkan semangat tersebut. Hiruk-pikuk anggota DPR di Pansus Century maupun posisi reaksioner Presiden menanggapi demonstran yang membawa kerbau adalah satu bukti nyata bagaimana nilai-nilai demokrasi, kemampuan komunikasi publik, dan etika berpolitik masih merupakan hal yang langka di republik ini.

Menanggapi dinamika politik di Indonesia, tugas bangsa ini ke depan adalah menjaga dan memperkuat demokrasi. Seperti kemerdekaan Indonesia, demokrasi adalah manifestasi dari kebebasan atau free will manusia. Dalam konteks kenegaraan, membela demokrasi adalah membela kebebasan dan hak-hak warga negara. Demokrasi haruslah diperjuangkan. Dan untuk memperjuangkan demokrasi, dibutuhkan komitmen terhadap nilai-nilai demokratik sekaligus orang-orang yang bersedia memperjuangkan prinsip tersebut. Demokrasi hanya akan berhasil jika ia ditopang oleh prinsip-prinsip konstitusionalisme republikan dan politikus-politikus demokratik. Demokrasi tanpa demokrat, seperti yang kita miliki sekarang, hanya akan berujung pada mobokrasi dan lawakan politik yang terinstitusionalisasi.

http://www.korantempo.com/korantempo/koran/2010/03/06/Opini/krn.20100306.193048.id.html
http://epaper.korantempo.com/KT/KT/2010/03/06/INDEX.SHTML
http://bataviase.co.id/node/119828

Democracies that lack liberty

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Democracies that lack liberty

By IQRA ANUGRAH
Special to The Japan Times

BEPPU, Oita Pref. — Around the world, our generation is witnessing the three Ds: deregulation, decentralization and, ultimately, democratization. The export of democracy is no doubt one of the most important items on the Western foreign policy agenda. Nevertheless, the effort seems to bring more failures than successes. Why is that?

To the Western mind, liberty and democracy are two sides of the same coin. Without liberty, there can be no democracy, and vice versa. However, in non-Western societies, this is not always true. Just pick an Asian country at random and we find anomalies in democratic practice by the Western point of view.

News commentator Fareed Zakaria calls this phenomenon “illiberal democracy,” a mixture of authoritarian and conservative practices under the framework of electoral, democratic politics. That’s why strong guys remain powerful in some countries, such as Vladimir Putin in Russia and Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore.

The Islamic world provides many examples of these illiberal practices. Go to Egypt and you’ll see how President Hosni Mubarak and his comrades put so much effort in getting rid of the Muslim Brotherhood. Go to Indonesia and you’ll see how corruption is still rampant and how political Islam and local vigilantes work together in harmony to form the so-called unholy alliance.

From those examples, there is one common similarity: the lack or absence of some aspects of civil and political liberty. Elections and change of political leadership may take place, but the ones who take governmental positions are far from democratic in attitude. Populist autocrats use the democratic mechanism to win political positions and legitimacy from the people.

In reality, they aren’t democrats at all. Once they get into power, they abuse it, implement illiberal policies and, even worse, try to get rid of their adversaries.

This is exactly what happened after the breakdown of Yugoslavia. Extreme nationalists, filled with hatred toward one other, got elected in Serbia, which later tried to wipe out the Kosovar Albanian population. In newly democratized Indonesia, we see how Islamic fundamentalist groups misuse the principle of free speech in a democratic society, attacking dissenting opinions while trying to promote an intolerant agenda toward “the other.”

Responding to this phenomenon, we know that the existence of liberty is the necessary element for democracy. In Zakaria’s words, without constitutional liberalism, the rule of law, protection of property and respect for others, it is difficult to build a fully functioning democracy. Western policymakers often forget that to build a democratic society, we need more than an election.

Instead of fixing the economy, ensuring the rule of law and protecting minorities, they straightaway jump to organizing elections. It is true that an election is probably the most visible indicator of a democratic society, but most of us don’t want to see the electoral process end up in a “mobocracy” due to the absence of supportive cultural values for democracy.

We see the answer to this problem in the Western philosophy of Tocqueville and Machiavelli: Unregulated democracy will undermine people’s liberty. Under republican principles, citizens are free when they follow the law. If there is no law, there will be no liberty. Liberal democracy requires the active participation of law-abiding citizens in the political process. This translates not only into rule of the majority but also into respect toward minorities.

Another important aspect in sustaining democratic politics is justice. This is what Noam Chomsky means when he criticizes the gap between rich and poor citizens in the United States. In Chomskian terms, the economic structure is not democratic.

John Rawls also gives the same argument, saying that when certain rules and regulations are not in the line with the public perception of justice values, they should not be called regulations. The Chomskian and Rawlsian mantra of justice provides the solution to how democratic society should work.

When economic disparity widens, the state should be prepared to do something about it. Thus, in order to “export” and implement democracy, elections and parties alone won’t do. We need effective and efficient institutions, sound public policy, fair laws and regulations, and, above all, a culture of liberty and justice.

In the context of non-Western societies, that’s why it is important to have liberty and equality before democracy. Radical deregulation and decentralization might not be the best answer for transforming society. That does not mean the three Ds should be discouraged, but that the much wiser option is to implement a gradual-type of political reform.

Western decision makers should take this principle to heart. The failure of Western ways in the Middle East is a clear example of ill-preparation for the democratization project. Values come first, followed by structures. If we stick to the same old approach, it’s very likely that we will see another Afghanistan or Pakistan in the near future.

*Iqra Anugrah, a third-year student at the College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, sits on the advisory board for the Strategic Studies Committee of Indonesian Students’ Association in Japan. The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily represent the views of his organization.

http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20100222a1.html

Islam’s Place in Politics

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Islam’s place in politics

By IQRA ANUGRAH
Special to The Japan Times

BEPPU, Oita Prefecture — The dynamics of Islam and politics in Indonesia are always worth following. Conventional wisdom says that moderates rule the game. In reality, this is not always true.

Sadanand Dhume, an expert on Islam and Indonesia, recently wrote an article arguing that the moderate is not always the winner. The myth of the moderate Muslim nation has started to change in the post-Suharto reformation era.

Political and economic liberalization has taken place, but not for religious and cultural values. We have had a number of improvements in civil and political freedom, but not in religious freedom. Islamic conservatism and fundamentalism are still widespread, as the battle of values goes on.

Living according to a strict interpretation of Islam in its early days is considered the new utopia. The call for shariah (Islamic law) is proffered as a panacea for our problems. This is not news. Religious interpretation is only the pull factor; the push factor is the daily experience of struggling to maintain a livelihood.

In this situation, religion is hardly distinguishable from delusion. Moreover, corrupted political elites often see it as an opportunity to get more votes, which makes the situation worse. That’s why we see some people trying to justify the establishment of religious bylaws, terrorism and other intolerant actions in the name of religion. Bombings in Jakarta and Aceh legislation allowing punishment by stoning are two recent examples of this phenomenon.

Tensions between the desire to maintain secular, democratic government and the growing force of Islamism present an important question: Is there any place for Islam in politics? We should know that enemy conservatives might be the bad guys, but not all of them are dangerous. As commentator Fareed Zakaria has said, radical Islam is a fact of life.

Our task now is learning how to live with that. It is very important to differentiate and categorize “conservative” and “radical,” since one is different from the other. Some groups might be conservative in matters of religion and culture, while their means of voicing their agenda are nonviolent and nonradical.

Dealing with someone from the FPI (Islamic Defender Front) or Hizbut Tahrir, for instance, is not the same as dealing with someone from Jamaah Tabligh. The government should recognize these differences so as not to become trapped by illogical paranoia. With such a policy, we can hope that these groups will learn from their own mistakes by entering democratic politics and engaging in real political debate. In such a case, the moderate voice matters — to show conservatives that Islam and democracy are much alike.

The message of the late Nurcholish Madjid now sounds stronger than ever. As there are many paths to God, there are many places for Islam in politics. In Cak Nur’s view, there is no absolute interpretation of politics, since Islam is not a particular ideology or political view, but rather a set of values and ethics for humanity. Thus any attempt to politicize Islam will reduce the meaning of Islam itself.

The legacy of the golden age of Islam and the moderate spirit must be championed all the time. As the church in the Western world has failed to maintain its hegemony due to its political intervention, political Islam should learn how to promote its ideas and survive within the framework of electoral democratic politics.

Moderate and progressive voices of Islam need to build alliances and spread their message through all levels of Indonesian society. The Indonesian government should promote moderate and tolerant ideas by working together with progressive groups.

The government should also stem the widespread trend of fundamentalism and radicalism in society through various educational means and institutions. As history has taught us, Islam and Indonesia will exist and contribute to humanity only within the environment of openness and tolerance toward one other.

The future of Islam and Indonesia depends on their ability to interact with other cultures and civilizations in the secular world. That is the only solution to the problem of inward-looking behavior in the Islamic community. We have the answer; they don’t.

*Iqra Anugrah, an activist in various student and Islamic movements in Indonesia, is a third-year student at College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, Japan.

http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20100115a1.html

Indonesia’s Long Journey Towards Democracy

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Indonesia’s democracy development is good news. As the most populous Muslim nation where democracy and market economy rule, it has started to play a more active role in international politics. Recent achievements and challenges of Indonesia show how it should aim higher.

Ten years ago, Indonesia was near collapse. The Asian financial crisis hit the nation while at the same time it had to face political reformation after the authoritarian Suharto government. Ethno-religious sentiments and conflicts were widespread and riots were part of daily life. 2 However, things do move. A recent report on Indonesia showed that despite of many failures, Indonesia has been able to achieve many things with political and economic stability under the popular re-elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. 3 Various bombings in Indonesia, including the latest 2009 Jakarta bombing in the aftermath of the relatively peaceful election, do not undermine Indonesia’s performance, especially when Indonesian National Police succeeded in combating terrorism. 4 Economic sectors after global financial crisis also record impressive development. Indonesia is one of few countries in Asia that has positive economic growth even when Asian economies experienced negative growth. 5 These achievements have lifted the face of Indonesia’s diplomacy in international fora. Besides trying to take the lead in ASEAN, Indonesia also exhibits its ability in tackling climate change and global warming issues. 6 Indonesia has faced and is facing serious issues both socially and economically, but they have so far not prevented Indonesia’s journey to democracy.

What Indonesia has achieved in the last ten years

What makes Indonesia’s reform unique is the fact that Indonesia implemented both political and economic reform at the same time. While many similar cases in many countries seem to be failed, Indonesia has managed its commitment to reform with quite successful results. The most prominent case is the re-introduction of free and fair electoral politics. Since after 1998, Indonesia has conducted three elections: first multiparty election in 1999, presidential and parliamentary elections in 2004, where voters had opportunities to directly vote for the MPs for the first time and the last 2009 election, which was relatively peaceful and successful. 7 Indonesian presidential elections in 2009 also showed the peaceful and fascinating race among the three presidential candidates, the first candidate is the incumbent president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with his running mate, Indonesia’s central bank governor, Boediono, dubbed as SBY-Boediono, which supported by pro-growth centre-right coalition of SBY’s Democrat Party and several leading Islamic parties. The second candidate is the former president Megawati Sukarnoputri and her partner, a former high-ranking military general, Prabowo, referred colloquially as Mega-Pro. They have the support of the centre-left Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), the populist Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) and some other small parties. The last candidate is the incumbent vice president Jusuf Kalla with former general Wiranto as the candidate from Golkar Party and People’s Conscience Party (Hanura), using the nickname JK-Win.

The success of elections is just a glimpse of the advancement of civil and political rights in Indonesia. In the field of constitutional law, Indonesia has amended its constitution, as mandated in the agenda of political reformation, in order to fit into the spirit of democracy and human rights. 8 Freedom of speech, information and the press is the most striking example of this transformation. The numbers of newspapers, magazines, radio stations and other new media has been increasing since the fall of Suharto, and now people can talk and express their opinion freely in public spaces. 9 Another story is the rapid development and expansion of civil society. 10 The role of civil society and NGOs has been influential since the New Order era in democratizing Indonesia. 11 Nowadays, various NGOs with different focuses, ranging from faith-based social organizations to right-based pressure groups, have flourished and contributed to the advancement of democratization process in Indonesia.

Freer political and economic activities also transformed the social life of Indonesian society. The question of Chinese Indonesians and other minorities was one of the main concerns for the betterment of democracy and minority groups in multicultural Indonesia. Thus, anti-discrimination legislation was introduced in the line of this spirit. 12 Another valuable improvement is despite various Islamist sentiments from some hard-line Islamic groups, majority rules. A study conducted by Saiful Mujani, a noted political scientist in Indonesia shows that political reformation and democratization has increased as much as the level of religiosity of Indonesian Muslims.13 Problems of ethno-religious conflicts and separatist movements in some regions have mostly been solved. Peace agreements with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) included special autonomy and local political parties in Aceh province were some of the political breakthroughs in settling conflicts in Indonesia. 14

What Indonesia should work on in the near future?

Despite of its tremendous accomplishments, a fully-functioning democracy in Indonesia is still not there yet. In the case of the latest election for example, though it was largely free, fair and peaceful, the tension among the presidential candidates was inevitable. 15 Alleged frauds and manipulations, unhealthy competition and empty campaign are only some issues that have to be solved for the next election.

The old story of collusion, corruption and nepotism (KKN in Indonesian language) is also still popular. 16 The case of Bank Century is an example how state supervision is still weak in watching financial and banking activities. 17Bank Century, a private bank in Indonesia, is accused of misusing its customers’ money. One of its owners got arrested by the police and sentenced to four years in prison. 18 What makes the whole issue became more complicated is the public perception that the root of all problems is the weak control from the government, especially the central bank. Hence, the government policy to bailout the bank was politically and legally problematic. This situation is worsened by the case of Azahari Azhar, the inactive chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), who has been arrested on suspicion of murder of Nasrudin Zulkarnaen, a prominent businessman. 19 This situation has become more complicated by Azhar’s testimony in which he mentioned that some KPK’s leaders also received bribes in the investigation of corruption in an integrated radio communications system project. 20 The testimony and several other cases finally led into the investigation of KPK’s leaders by the national police. 21 This is a huge irony because in the middle of building a solid foundation for the rule of law, clean government and meritocracy, many problems seem to thwart this effort.

Other two tasks of Indonesia are to tackle natural calamities and democratize the economy. Indonesia’s geographical area, which is archipelagic and located in the meeting point of two major tectonic plates, is the reason why Indonesians should learn to live with disasters.22 The latest earthquakes in major islands such as Java and Sumatera is the momentum for the government to prove its capacity in handling non-traditional security issues. 23 The story of post-crisis Indonesian economic development, although it performs quite well, should not neglect the fact that basic social service and provision such as healthcare, housing and education is inadequate and the widening gap between the poor and the rich has to be reduced. 24 Good investment climates, fair regulations and less corruption is some key points in enhancing the economy

The rise of growing religious fundamentalism and violence is also a big hurdle for the healthy development of democracy in Indonesia. Various Islamic fundamentalist groups, such as the international Hizbut Tahrir, the vigilante Islamic Defender Front (FPI) and Majelis Mujahiddin Indonesia (MMI), which is used to be backed by Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, a prominent conservative Islamic cleric, are getting more popular. 25 Persecution and violence against minority in the name of religion and blasphemy are becoming trend. Ahmadiyya, an unorthodox Islamic group who has coexisted in Indonesia with other elements of Indonesia had to face numerous persecutions and violent attacks because its teachings are considered blasphemous and heretic. 26 This situation has led to a crisis when the tension between Islamic fundamentalist and conservative groups and the liberal and pluralist camp reached its peak in the so-called Monas (National Monument) Incident on July 1, 2008. 27The tragic fact is that the peaceful rally to campaign and reaffirm the importance of pluralism and tolerance, which was held on the same day of the birthday of Pancasila-Indonesia’s national principles in nation building, was contaminated by violent actions. There is an important fact showed in the study of the famous Islamic scholar and activist, Luthfi Assyaukanie, which mentioned that there is a strong correlation between violent actions and fatwas (religious opinion by Muslim jurists) from religious clerics. 28 In his thesis, he found that the widespread violent actions find their justifications from these fatwas. The rise of religious bylaws imposed in several regions in Indonesia also undermines the protection of civil and political rights. 29 There have been some complaints because these sharia-based bylaws are considered to be discriminative, especially for women such as the introduction of rajam or adultery stoning in accordance to the strict sharia interpretation in Aceh province. 30When in this kind of situation the government is expected to adhere to the principle of rule of law and takes a clear stance, it seems that instead of imposing such policy the state prefer to ‘play safe’.

Indonesia’s Democracy: Present and Future Trajectory

Indonesia is not a perfect democracy quite yet. The latest election result, which brought victory to the incumbent President Yudhoyono, should be taken as a golden opportunity to strengthen Indonesia’s democracy. 31Indonesia has to learned from the past and reaffirm its national commitment. This effort requires participation and willingness from every elements of Indonesia as a nation. Threats to civil rights, corruption, natural disasters, expanding income disparity and religious fundamentalism are only some of the challenges of contemporary Indonesia.

In the field of international politics, Indonesia should concentrate not only in the regional arena of ASEAN, but also beyond that, something which is called “Post-ASEAN” Foreign Policy by the leading international relations scholar of Indonesia, Rizal Sukma. 32 Its membership in the G-20 means that Indonesia should have a say and contribute more in international affairs. 33 Indonesia’s soft power is expanding now, and through various channels such as cultural exchanges, diplomacy and economic activities, it has to work on its international image. 34 Indonesia’s relationship with other countries is also relatively friendly. Though it often competes and has conflicts with its two nearest neighbors, Singapore and Malaysia, generally speaking it maintains good relationship with many countries. The visit of US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton is a proof of how the Western world is now seeing Indonesia as a strategic partner and connecting bridge between the West and the rest of the world, particularly Asia and Middle East. 35

Indonesia’s success in Southeast Asia as the only working democracy in the region is also good news. 36 As a nation with strategic interests and role in world affairs, it deserves a better image. The answer for this problem is very simple: the combination of liberal democracy, market economy and moderate Islam as the three key principles in building a democratic Indonesia. These three points are related to one another. In order to defend and preserve Indonesian multiculturalism, democracy is needed as an instrument to guarantee civil rights of its citizens. Nevertheless, the protection of civil and political rights will be impossible without the promotion of economic, social and cultural rights. Thus, market economy with social protection is needed in order to promote competitiveness and increase growth and prosperity of the nation. The last but not the least is the use of spiritual and cultural values as the moral basis for the system. A moderate and tolerant interpretation of Islam has long become the mainstream of Indonesia’s religious life, which is also the core element for social capital and democratic politics in Indonesia. Despite all the challenges that Indonesia faces, as long as it follows these principles, the Indonesian future will remain bright.

Iqra Anugrah is a third year student in College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, majoring in political science and international relations. He is a member of the Advisory Board for Strategic Studies Committee for Indonesian Students’ Association in Japan (PPI Jepang). The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily represent the views of the PPI Jepang.

http://www.global-politics.co.uk/issue9/iqra/

  1. Long, Simon. (2009, September 12-18). A golden chance: A special report on Indonesia. The Economist, pp. 1-18  ↩
  2. Ibid.  ↩
  3. Ibid.  ↩
  4. “Indonesia Police: Terrorism mastermind killed in raid” USA Today. 17 September 2009. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2009-09-16-indonesia_N.htm  ↩
  5. “UBS says Indonesia’s economic growth to reach 6 percent in 2010, 2011” iStockAnalyst. 28 October 2009. Retieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.istockanalyst.com/article/viewiStockNews/articleid/3585843#  ↩
  6. Simamora, Adianto P. and Maulida, Erwida. (2009, February 320). “Clinton, UN praise RI role in global climate talks” The Jakarta Post. Retrieved October 30,2009,from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/02/20/clinton-un-praise-ri-role-global-climate-talks.html  ↩
  7. “Scoping Indonesia’s Next President”.(2009). Indonesia Election Watch 2009. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Indonesia Programme. Retrieved October 30, from http://www.rsis.edu.sg/Indonesia_Prog/pdf/IndonesiaElectionWATCH_2009_ISSUE12.pdf  ↩
  8. See Chapter XA and XI of The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia http://www.mpr.go.id/index.php?m=beritas=detail&id_berita=41  ↩
  9. “Radio Development and Indonesia’s Democratic Transition”. World Bank. Retrieved October, 30 2009 from http://blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere/radio-development-and-indonesias-democratic-transition  ↩
  10. Harney, Stefano & Olivia, Rita. (2003). Civil Society and Civil Society Organizations in Indonesia. International Labor Office, Geneva http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/ses/download/docs/civil.pdf  ↩
  11. Bunnel, Frederick. (1996). Community Participation, Indigenous Ideology, Activist Politics: Indonesian NGOs In The 1990s. In Lev, Daniel S., & McVey, Ruth (Ed.), Making Indonesia (pp. 180-201). New York: Cornell Southeast Asia Program.  ↩
  12. Hoon, Chang-Yau. (2004). Ethnic Chinese experience a ‘reawakening’ of their Chinese identity. Inside Indonesia, 78, http://insideindonesia.org/content/view/237/29/  ↩
  13. Mujani, Syaiful. (2003). Religious Democrats: Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia. Ohio: Ohio State University  ↩
  14. “Aceh Peace Process Negotiations”.(n.d.). Crisis Management Initiative. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.cmi.fi/?content=aceh_project  ↩
  15. Siswo, Sujadi. (2009, February 12). Rising tensions between Indonesian president and VP ahead of elections. Channel News Asia. Retrieved October 30, 2009, from http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/southeastasia/view/408371/1/.html  ↩
  16. Suryani, Luh De & Prathivi, Niken. (2009, April 17). Female coalition to report election fraud. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/04/17/female-coalition-report-election-fraud.html-0  ↩
  17. Guerin,Bill. (2007, Mar 29). Politics of corruption in indonesia. Asia Times. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/IC29Ae01.html  ↩
  18. “VP: Arrest those responsible in Bank Century case”.(2008, November 2008). Antara News. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.antara.co.id/en/view/?i=1227857533&c=NAT&s=  ↩
  19. Sutarto. (2009, September 10). Jakarta Court Throws Owner of Bank Century To Prison. Tempointeractive. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.tempo.co.id/hg/kriminal/2009/09/10/brk,20090910-197296,uk.html  ↩
  20. “Former Chairman of KPK Antasari Charged With Premeditated Murder” Bernama News Agency. 8 October 2009. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newsworld.php?id=445351  ↩
  21. Fitzpatrick, Steven. (2009, October 9). Jakarta’s anti-graft boss Antasari Azhar on trial for murder. The Australian. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,26184123-25837,00.html  ↩
  22. Abdussalam, Andi. (2009, October 31). KPK deputies’ arrest sparks speculation about police’s motive. Antara News. Retrieved October 31, 2009 from http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/1256944315/kpk-deputies-arrest-sparks-speculation-about-polices-motive  ↩
  23. Elliot, Lorraine. (2009). Human Security: A Response to the Climate Security Debates. RSIS Commentaries  ↩
  24. Indonesia Earthquake Situation Report. (2009). ReliefWeb. Retrieved from http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWFiles2009.nsf/FilesByRWDocUnidFilename/MYAI-7WQ2U3-full_report.pdf/$File/full_report.pdf  ↩
  25. Maulia, Erwida. (2008). Income gap widens in Indonesia, most other countries: ILO. Asia News Network. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.asianewsnet.net/news.php?sec=2&id=3151  ↩
  26. “Indonesia’s Muslim Militants” BBC News. 8 August 2003. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/2333085.stm  ↩
  27. Avonius, Leena. (2009). The Ahmadiyya and Freedomn of Religion in Indonesia. ISIM Review, 22, 48-49  ↩
  28. Astuti, Fatima. (2008). Fallout from Jakarta’s Monas Incident: What is to be done with fringe groups?. RSIS Commentaries  ↩
  29. Assyaukanie, Luthfi. (2009). Fatwa and Violence in Indonesia. Journal of Religion and Society, 11, 11-21  ↩
  30. Assyaukanie, Luthfi. (2007). The Rise of Religious Bylaws in Indonesia. RSIS Commentaries  ↩
  31. “Aceh passes adultery stoning law” BBC News. 14 September 2009. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8254631.stm  ↩
  32. “Indonesia Election Results” MedanKu.com. 11 April 2009. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.medanku.com/indonesia-election-results/  ↩
  33. Sukma, Rizal. (2009, June 30). Indonesia needs a post-ASEAN foreign policy. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/06/30/indonesia-needs-a-postasean-foreign-policy.html  ↩
  34. Parnohadiningrat, Sudjadnan. (2009, April 3). Indonesia and the G20. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/04/03/indonesia-and-g20.html  ↩
  35. Tangkilisan, Wim. (2009, June 23). Which of the Presidential Candidates Gives Indonesia a ‘Soft Power’ Edge. The Jakarta Globe. Retrieved October 30, 2009 from http://thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/which-of-the-presidential-candidates-gives-indonesia-a-soft-power-edge/313931  ↩
  36. Hume, Cameron R. (2009, Feb 20). Secretary’s Clinton Successful Indonesia Visit. US Department of State Official Blog http://blogs.state.gov/index.php/entries/clintons_indonesia_visit/  ↩

Perspectives on a New Era Symposium held at APU

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On Saturday, November 21, 2009, APU has successfully organized the “Perspectives on a New Era-Japan, America and China” Symposium. This symposium was held at the Millennium Hall in commemorating the APU 10thAnniversary and Confucius Institute 3rd Anniversary.

The symposium invited Asahi Shimbun Editor-in-Chief and APU Visiting Professor, Funabashi Yoichi; Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of ORIX Corporation and APU Academic Advisory Committee Member, Miyauchi Yoshihiko; Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to China, Anami Koreshige; Dean of Faculty of Law, Keio University and Former President of the Japan Association of International Relations, Professor Kokubun Ryosei; and Founding President of APU and Professor of Ritsumeikan University, Sakamoto Kazuichi.

APU President Monte Cassim and Former Prime Minister of Japan and Confucius Institute Advisor Mr. Murayama Tomiichi opened the symposium by giving a few words in the opening remarks. The symposium was also attended by Former Governor of Oita Prefecture, Hiramatsu Morihiko.

The first session of the symposium began with keynote speech from Professor Funabashi. In his lecture, he mentioned future of the world lies in the Asia Pacific. America will continue to play an important role in the Asia. Nevertheless, we can see the rise of China and Japan as a sign that Asia is now ready to serve as the co-driver in global society. Therefore, he argued that cooperation will be essential in the future.

The second part of the symposium continued with panel discussions with Professor Funabashi, Mr. Miyauchi, Professor Kokubun and Ambassador Anami. The discussion was moderated by Profesor Sakamoto and dealt with three important international issues: world economic order, environmental and energy problems and the Korean peninsula. Most of the discussion time, however, was dedicated for international political economic order, particularly about the rise of China and its impacts to global economy, especially in post-crisis world.

Finally, the symposium was ended by question and answer session to the whole audience, which is not consisted by APU students only but Beppu citizens as well. The whole event was conducted in Japanese and simultaneous English interpretation was provided during the symposium.

Generally speaking, APU has been quite successful in organizing this program. Nonetheless, there were some complaints regarding the symposium from the students and audience. The most disturbing problem probably was the quality of English interpretation. Poor translation sometimes could change the meaning or content of the lecture. Moreover, the time provided for the panel discussion was inadequate. Not all of the topics assigned for the panel session were fully discussed. But after all, APU has proven its capacity as an international university by hosting this kind of event. In order to improve its role as an academic institution and contribute to society, we hope we can see more academic seminars and symposiums at APU, especially after ten years of its establishment.

Iqra Anugrah, APS ‘11

Published in The APU Times, 24 December 2009 http://aputimes.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=187:perspectives-on-a-new-era-symposium-held-at-apu&catid=1:academic-news&Itemid=187&lang=en

How (not) to drop the Bomb

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How (not) to drop the Bomb

The Obama administration recently has just restarted the process toward nuclear warheads reduction in the world. Following his speech last year in Prague, Obama tried to put his commitment against the threat of nuclear weapons into action by organizing the Nuclear Security Summit last week. With the introduction of New START-stands for Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty-between the US and Russia, the number of nuclear warheads will be gradually reduced to 1,550, which is about two-thirds from the original START treaty.

Indeed, this might be the sign of new approach of security and foreign policy of the US, especially in terms of the usage of nuclear weapons. Under Obama administration, the US has step by step tried to eliminate the role of nuclear in its national security. Classical approach of nuclear deterrence will not be applied even though some particular states attack the US using chemical and biological weapons – the Bush administration, on the other hand, still upheld the right to use nuclear weapons against such actions. Nuclear option will only be launched if the attacking state is a nuclear state, or a violator of the NPT.

This is why the latest summit still left unanswered questions of North Korea and Iran-the former definitely owns and possesses nuclear weapons while the latter is alleged to develop nuclear weapons.

The biggest challenge for this talk, then, is to proof itself how different it is compared to previous treaties. This will also define the future of nuclear states and the role of nuclear-centric security policy, especially in the era of changing global constellation.

Some complexities have been added to the discussion process in regards to the inexhaustible issues of North Korea and Iran. What should be taken into consideration is the fact that North Korea and Iran are the by-products of Western unilateral foreign policy.

The fear of so-called nuclear terrorism is another hot topic of the summit. When nuclear weapon goes into the wrong hand, then the world might face a catastrophic future. But, we should remember that it takes an industrial capacity of state to create and maintain nuclear weapons and facilities in a sustainable way. Global terrorist networks, unless publicly and formally supported by some particular states, have little to no possibilities of acquiring or producing nuclear weapon. It should be noted that in the battlefields, conventional weapons are far more popular in the circle of terrorists. In fact, probably the only actor that can kick-off the establishment of nuclear warheads is military-industrial complex of a particular nation.

Nevertheless, the strongest argument against nuclear weapon is its uselessness. Post-WW II world has never witnessed any war using nuclear weapons. The principle of “use by non-use” itself has no direct effect except to perpetuate fear.

Moreover, what the world really needs right now is a sound and carefully-researched foreign policy of the West. Dialogue should be at the forefront of foreign policy, as well as cooperation with international institutions.

Therefore, the latest Nuclear Security Summit deserves to be praised as a concrete solution towards a nuke-free world. Yet, it takes more than a summit to accomplish this goal. A firmer political commitment is essential, not merely to reduce the number of nuclear weapons, but to abolish the existence of nuclear warheads.

This principle should not merely serve as a slogan of be taken for granted. We have seen enough of structural violence in international politics. In order to address this issue, progressive and radical change of our worldview is the key.

First of all, tactical and pragmatic foreign policy strategies are needed in dealing with the NPTS non-signatory states. With its strategic allies in East Asia and the Middle East, the US should be able to handle the nuclear issue more effectively. North Korean case might be a bit difficult, especially talking about the extremely authoritarian nature of the regime, but for Iran the process might be different, especially considering strategic interests of Arab states who do not want to see Iran possessing nuclear warheads.

Secondly, regional issues, especially in the Middle East, should be settled at the same time. While the Western powers are still in Afghanistan and Iraq, the nation-building process of these countries must continue. Western policymakers, especially US, should also pay attention to the current issue of Israeli settlements which potentially can be another obstacle of the peace process and interests of involving states. If these two challenges can be resolved, then the possibility of growing terrorist groups which may try to get nuclear weapons or Iran’s ambition to be a nuclear power can be significantly lowered.

Thirdly, Obama should clearly show and explain his position while at the same time take a firmer stance toward unnecessary disturbances caused by lobbying groups at domestic levels. Lobbying groups do not represent the voice of citizens, but rather vested interests of some groups within society. It requires a committed leadership for nuclear abolition against domestic political pressure.

This policy is not an attempt to create utopia or earthly heaven. This is simply an attempt to create a better world for humanity and our children. Even though it is not possible to achieve the goal, at least we can make a difference for a more peaceful, tolerant world, no matter how small it is.

Iqra Anugrah　(APS3, 2011) Published in The APU Times, 8 May 2010 http://aputimes.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=218:how-(not)-to-drop-the-bomb&catid=13:talks&Itemid=202&lang=en

The Decline of the West, the Rise of the Rest?

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Book Review: The New Asian Hemisphere by Kishore Mahbubani

By Iqra Anugrah, APS3, 2011

Looking into our daily life, it seems that world is moving very fast. The winner today might be the loser tomorrow. Since the future is always uncertain, the dominator has always to be careful because the other may catch-up the position. In this kind of situation, new order will emerge, and cooperation will be the answer. This narrative is exactly the condition of our global politics today, as eloquently presented in The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East by Kishore Mahbubani, Former Singaporean Ambassador for the United Nations and Dean of Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, Singapore.

Coming from Singapore, Mahbubani knows how Asia tries to develop and catch-up with Western power. Mahbubani argued that the strategy is to mix the best practice of the West within the framework of Asian values, something that he called as ‘Asian Pragmatism’ in his words. Nevertheless, as the rest of the world increase the speed of progress, the West feel challenged. In Mahbubani’s view, this is the proof of Western inconsistence and incompetence. In his words, the West should be happy that their mission to “civilize” other societies is successful. However, this mission brings another unexpected consequence: rising geopolitical power of Asian countries.  The West, particularly US, reluctant to see this, is massively trying to stop others from taking its position as the leader of the world. In other words, Western values are often not in the line with Western interests. This is why the high-speed growth of China and India is seen as threat.

In response to this phenomenon, Mahbubani answers with a very convincing statement: the West should respect other values and see the rest of the world as its partner. The failure of democratization of the Middle East for example, is happened because of Western ignorance to establish election without necessary democratic institutions and cultures such as rights of minority and rule of law. For Mahbubani, Asia already succeeded in applying best practices from the West, such as free-market economics, meritocracy, rule of law, culture of peace and education. Thus, it is the time for Asia not to dominate, but replicate Western success, and be the co-driver of human civilization. The solution, then, is to apply the three Ps: common principles for peaceful co-existence, partnership for the future, and pragmatism in solving the problem.

Until now, probably we can say that Mahbubani is one of the best representatives of the East to Western world. In his book, he showed the arrogance of the West, particularly US in dealing with other nations in international context. He showed how the West has been incompetent in answering today’s problems, and how Asian competence could be the answer to that problem. However, there are some things that we should keep in mind: although we probably have been successful, we should not close our eyes to lack of freedom in the so-called Asian societies. If we can have an open market, that why don’t we have open politics? If we can have free flow information, then doesn’t it mean that we should have free society? Recent movements and reforms in several Asian countries for greater freedom are the real proof. We already accomplished great achievements, and we can do even more. Mahbubani’s thesis brings a clear message for us: aim higher, and never abandon our hope.

*Published in The APU Times 21 January 2010 http://aputimes.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=213:the-decline-of-the-west,-the-rise-of-the-rest%3F&catid=2:insight&Itemid=189&lang=en